Several weeks ago, at
a meeting of the BMWE's Northeast System Federation, a
member made a statement that strikes to the heart of the
labor movement, its image problems and its fight to
increase its ranks.
"Most people," the member observed, "don't
understand what a union does for them."
Having just left a four-day labor-fest in Pittsburgh,
otherwise known as the AFL-CIO Biennial Convention, I
can't agree more with his words. It is a simple
statement, but far-reaching on its implications.
Our world has changed dramatically since the advent of
unions in the midst of industrialism. What most workers
consider the norm in every day life on the job--paid
vacations, overtime, the eight-hour workday, life and
health insurance, and safety and health regulations--are
benefits workers fought and died for. The fact that most
of these protections are incorporated into law--and
aren't simply the province of a union contract--is an
outgrowth of the labor movement's political involvement.
Union or not, all workers have benefitted from trade
unionism. Our success has helped to lead to our decline
in that people can view a union as a secondary, instead
of a primary protector of their interests. The
government, simply via its size, and corporations, due to
crafty public relations, both can appear to be more
concerned about workers than trade unions.
We can't sit back and grumble that we're not getting the
credit where credit is due--we must forcefully explain
unions' critical role in the workplace. That's why amid
all the speeches in Pittsburgh, the most significant vote
was a new assessment on AFL-CIO member unions to pay for
an expanded advertising campaign.
The campaign uses television spots that address the issue
workers face today and how unions are solving them. Sure
we got the eight-hour day, and sure we're fighting to
stop Republicans in Congress from lifting it, but we're
also fighting to make sure that working families have the
flexibility they need to take kids to doctors or attend a
student-parent conference without being docked for the
time or risk losing their job.
We're not just interested in crafting long-term severance
packages, but in developing creative solutions to keeping
jobs in the United States and expanding our industries.
When workers are hurt on the job, we care not only that
they get the medical attention they need without
burdensome costs to the workers, but that their jobs are
waiting for them when they get back, or they are
retrained for another job if their injuries keep them out
of their previous job. In addition, we care that steps
are taken to prevent similar incidents in the future so
no other worker is needlessly injured.
Unions don't just care about the workplace, they care
about their members' lives. Can they afford a house? Can
they send their kids to college? Can they take care of
elderly parents? Can they retire to the desert, the beach
or wherever they want without financial worry? These are
life issues. They are the issues we must communicate if
we, as the BMWE, want to grow in organizing campaigns,
and if we, as the labor movement, want to grow and remain
a vital contributor to today's society. We are not a
special interest group, but a group that treats all
workers' interests as special.
While some workplace issues never change, others are
created as the workplace and the economy changes. The
global economy ... gender and ethnic diversity ...
technological advancements ... unions must prove that
they can respond to all these forces and maintain their
focus for workers of today and those of the future.
Management attacks us as outdated and accuses us of
hindering growth. We have to show that we love growth,
but only if it's not at the expense of workers--and that
it doesn't have to be. The labor movement isn't about
protecting what we have, but about making tomorrow
better. That's the message we need to deliver to workers
everywhere. |